Color and Psychological Functioning a Review of Theoretical and Empirical Work

The past decade has seen enhanced involvement in inquiry in the area of color and psychological functioning. Progress has been fabricated on both theoretical and empirical fronts, only there are also weaknesses on both of these fronts that must be attended to for this research area to go along to make progress. In the following, I briefly review both advances and weaknesses in the literature on color and psychological functioning.

Theoretical Work

Groundwork and Recent Developments

Color has fascinated scholars for millennia (Sloane, 1991; Gage, 1993). Theorizing on color and psychological performance has been present since Goethe (1810) penned his Theory of Colors, in which he linked colour categories (e.g., the "plus" colors of yellowish, red–yellow, yellowish–cherry) to emotional responding (e.g., warmth, excitement). Goldstein (1942) expanded on Goethe'southward intuitions, positing that certain colors (e.g., red, yellow) produce systematic physiological reactions manifest in emotional feel (eastward.yard., negative arousal), cognitive orientation (due east.chiliad., outward focus), and overt activity (e.g., forceful behavior). Subsequent theorizing derived from Goldstein's ideas has focused on wavelength, positing that longer wavelength colors experience arousing or warm, whereas shorter wavelength colors feel relaxing or absurd (Nakashian, 1964; Crowley, 1993). Other conceptual statements about colour and psychological functioning have focused on general associations that people take to colors and their corresponding influence on downstream affect, noesis, and behavior (eastward.k., black is associated with aggression and elicits aggressive beliefs; Frank and Gilovich, 1988; Soldat et al., 1997). Finally, much writing on color and psychological functioning has been completely atheoretical, focused exclusively on finding answers to applied questions (eastward.g., "What wall colour facilitates worker alertness and productivity?"). The same theories and conceptual statements continue to motivate inquiry on color and psychological functioning. However, several other promising theoretical frameworks have likewise emerged in the past decade, and I review these frameworks in the following.

Hill and Barton (2005) noted that in many non-human animals, including primate species, dominance in aggressive encounters (i.e., superior concrete condition) is signaled by the brilliant blood-red of oxygenated claret visible on highly vascularized bare pare. Bogus ruddy (e.chiliad., on leg bands) has besides been shown to signal authorisation in not-human animals, mimicking the natural physiological procedure (Cuthill et al., 1997). In humans in aggressive encounters, a testosterone surge produces visible reddening on the face and fear leads to pallor (Drummond and Quay, 2001; Levenson, 2003). Hill and Barton (2005) posited that the parallel between humans and non-humans present at the physiological level may extend to artificial stimuli, such that wearing ruby in sport contests may convey dominance and lead to a competitive advantage.

Other theorists have besides utilized a comparative approach in positing links between skin coloration and the evaluation of conspecifics. Changizi et al. (2006) and Changizi (2009) contend that trichromatic vision evolved to enable primates, including humans, to discover subtle changes in blood catamenia beneath the pare that carry important data about the emotional state of the conspecific. Increased ruby can convey acrimony, embarrassment, or sexual arousal, whereas increased blue or light-green tint can convey illness or poor physiological condition. Thus, visual sensitivity to these color modulations facilitates diverse forms of social interaction. In similar fashion, Stephen et al. (2009) and Stephen and McKeegan (2010) propose that perceivers use information about skin coloration (perhaps specially from the face, Tan and Stephen, 2012) to make inferences about the attractiveness, health, and dominance of conspecifics. Redness (from claret oxygenization) and yellowness (from carotenoids) are both seen as facilitating positive judgments. Fink et al. (2006) and Fink and Matts (2007) posit that the homogeneity of skin coloration is an of import factor in evaluating the historic period, bewitchery, and health of faces.

Elliot and Maier (2012) have proposed color-in-context theory, which draws on social learning, as well every bit biology. Some responses to color stimuli are presumed to exist solely due to the repeated pairing of colour and particular concepts, messages, and experiences. Others, yet, are presumed to represent a biologically engrained predisposition that is reinforced and shaped by social learning. Through this social learning, color associations can be extended across natural actual processes (e.g., blood menstruum modulations) to objects in shut proximity to the body (east.g., dress, accessories). Thus, for example, red may not simply increment attractiveness evaluations when viewed on the face, merely also when viewed on a shirt or dress. As implied by the name of the theory, the concrete and psychological context in which color is perceived is thought to influence its significant and, accordingly, responses to information technology. Thus, blue on a ribbon is positive (indicating first place), only blue on a piece of meat is negative (indicating rotten), and a cherry shirt may enhance the attractiveness of a potential mate (red = sex/romance), merely non of a person evaluating one'due south competence (red = failure/danger).

Meier and Robinson (2005) and Meier (in press) have posited a conceptual metaphor theory of color. From this perspective, people talk and recollect nearly abstract concepts in concrete terms grounded in perceptual experience (i.eastward., they use metaphors) to help them understand and navigate their social world (Lakoff and Johnson, 1999). Thus, acrimony entails reddening of the confront, so anger is metaphorically described as "seeing red," and positive emotions and experiences are often depicted in terms of lightness (rather than darkness), so lightness is metaphorically linked to good ("seeing the light") rather than bad ("in the night"). These metaphoric associations are presumed to have implications for important outcomes such as morality judgments (e.g., white things are viewed equally pure) and stereotyping (e.chiliad., dark faces are viewed more negatively).

For many years information technology has been known that lite directly influences physiology and increases arousal (see Cajochen, 2007, for a review), but recently theorists have posited that such effects are wavelength dependent. Bluish lite, in particular, is posited to activate the melanopsin photoreceptor system which, in turn, activates the encephalon structures involved in sub-cortical arousal and higher-order attentional processing (Cajochen et al., 2005; Lockley et al., 2006). As such, exposure to blue light is expected to facilitate alacrity and enhance performance on tasks requiring sustained attention.

Evaluation and Recommendations

Drawing on recent theorizing in evolutionary psychology, emotion scientific discipline, retinal physiology, person perception, and social cognition, the same conceptualizations represent important advances to the literature on colour and psychological functioning. Nonetheless, theory in this surface area remains at a nascent level of development, and the following weaknesses may exist identified.

First, the focus of theoretical work in this surface area is either extremely specific or extremely general. A precise conceptual proposition such as red signals say-so and leads to competitive advantage in sports (Colina and Barton, 2005) is valuable in that information technology can be directly translated into a clear, testable hypothesis; nevertheless, it is non clear how this specific hypothesis connects to a broader understanding of colour–performance relations in achievement settings more than by and large. On the other finish of the spectrum, a general conceptualization such every bit color-in-context theory (Elliot and Maier, 2012) is valuable in that it offers several widely applicable premises; however, these premises are only vaguely suggestive of precise hypotheses in specific contexts. What is needed are mid-level theoretical frameworks that comprehensively, yet precisely explicate and predict links betwixt color and psychological functioning in specific contexts (for emerging developments, see Pazda and Greitemeyer, in printing; Spence, in press; Stephen and Perrett, in press).

Second, the extant theoretical work is limited in telescopic in terms of range of hues, range of colour properties, and direction of influence. Most theorizing has focused on 1 hue, red, which is understandable given its prominence in nature, on the body, and in gild (Changizi, 2009; Elliot and Maier, 2014); yet, other hues also carry important associations that undoubtedly have downstream effects (e.thou., blue: Labrecque and Milne, 2012; green: Akers et al., 2012). Color has three bones properties: hue, lightness, and chroma (Fairchild, 2013). Variation in any or all of these properties could influence downstream affect, cognition, or behavior, yet but hue is considered in well-nigh theorizing (most likely because experientially, it is the nigh salient color belongings). Lightness and chroma also undoubtedly have implications for psychological functioning (e.thou., lightness: Kareklas et al., 2014; chroma: Lee et al., 2013); lightness has received some attention within conceptual metaphor theory (Meier, in press; see as well Prado-León and Rosales-Cinco, 2011), but chroma has been almost entirely overlooked, as has the issue of combinations of hue, lightness, and chroma. Finally, virtually theorizing has focused on color every bit an independent variable rather than a dependent variable; however, it is as well likely that many situational and intrapersonal factors influence color perception (e.thou., situational: Bubl et al., 2009; intrapersonal: Fetterman et al., 2015).

Third, theorizing to date has focused primarily on master furnishings, with merely a modicum of attending allocated to the important issue of moderation. As inquiry literatures develop and mature, they progress from a sole focus on "is" questions ("Does 10 influence Y?") to additionally considering "when" questions ("Under what conditions does X influence Y and nether what conditions does X non influence Y?"). These "2d generation" questions (Zanna and Fazio, 1982, p. 283) can seem less heady and even deflating in that they posit boundary weather that constrain the generalizability of an effect. Nevertheless, this stride is invaluable in that information technology adds conceptual precision and clarity, and begins to address the effect of real-world applicability. All color furnishings undoubtedly depend on certain conditions – culture, gender, historic period, type of task, variant of colour, etc. – and acquiring an understanding of these conditions will represent an important marker of maturity for this literature (for movement in this direction, see Schwarz and Vocalizer, 2013; Tracy and Beall, 2014; Bertrams et al., 2015; Buechner et al., in press; Young, in printing). Another, more succinct, fashion to land this third weakness is that theorizing in this area needs to take context, in all its forms, more seriously.

Empirical Piece of work

Background and Contempo Developments

Empirical work on color and psychological functioning dates back to the late 19th century (Féré, 1887; see Pressey, 1921, for a review). A consequent feature of this work, from its inception to the past decade, is that it has been fraught with major methodological problems that have precluded rigorous testing and articulate interpretation (O'Connor, 2011). Ane problem has been a failure to nourish to rudimentary scientific procedures such as experimenter blindness to condition, identifying, and excluding colour deficient participants, and standardizing the duration of colour presentation or exposure. Some other problem has been a failure to specify and control for color at the spectral level in manipulations. Without such specification, it is impossible to know what precise combination of colour properties was investigated, and without such control, the confounding of focal and not-focal color properties is inevitable (Whitfield and Wiltshire, 1990; Valdez and Mehrabian, 1994). Even so some other trouble has been the use of underpowered samples. This problem, shared across scientific disciplines (Maxwell, 2004), can lead to Type I errors, Blazon Two errors, and inflated effect sizes (Fraley and Vazire, 2014; Murayama et al., 2014). Together, these methodological problems have greatly hampered progress in this area.

Although some of the aforementioned problems remain (see "Evaluation and Recommendations" below), others have been rectified in contempo work. This, coupled with advances in theory development, has led to a surge in empirical activeness. In the following, I review the diverse areas in which color work has been conducted in the past decade, and the findings that have emerged. Space considerations require me to constrain this review to a brief mention of central findings inside each area. I focus on findings with humans (for reviews of research with non-human animals, see Higham and Winters, in press; Setchell, in press) that have been obtained in multiple (at least five) independent labs. Tabular array 1 provides a summary, likewise as representative examples and specific references.

TABLE i. Research on color and psychological functioning.

In research on colour and selective attention, red stimuli have been shown to receive an attentional reward (see Folk, in printing, for a review). Research on color and alacrity has shown that blueish lite increases subjective alertness and performance on attention-based tasks (run into Chellappa et al., 2011, for a review). Studies on colour and athletic functioning accept linked wearing red to better performance and perceived operation in sport competitions and tasks (encounter Maier et al., in press, for a review). In enquiry on color and intellectual performance, viewing crimson prior to a challenging cognitive task has been shown to undermine performance (come across Shi et al., 2015, for a review). Research focused on color and aggressiveness/dominance evaluation has shown that viewing cherry-red on self or other increases appraisals of aggressiveness and dominance (see Krenn, 2014, for a review). Empirical work on colour and avoidance motivation has linked viewing red in achievement contexts to increased caution and avoidance (see Elliot and Maier, 2014, for a review). In enquiry on colour and attraction, viewing red on or near a female has been shown to heighten attraction in heterosexual males (see Pazda and Greitemeyer, in press, for a review). Research on color and store/company evaluation has shown that blue on stores/logos increases quality and trustworthiness appraisals (encounter Labrecque and Milne, 2012, for a review). Finally, empirical piece of work on color and eating/drinking has shown that red influences food and beverage perception and consumption (run into Spence, in press, for a review).

Evaluation and Recommendations

The aforementioned findings represent important contributions to the literature on color and psychological functioning, and highlight the multidisciplinary nature of research in this area. Nevertheless, much similar the extant theoretical work, the extant empirical work remains at a nascent level of development, due, in role, to the post-obit weaknesses.

Get-go, although in some research in this expanse color properties are controlled for at the spectral level, in well-nigh research it (however) is not. Colour control is typically washed improperly at the device (rather than the spectral) level, is impossible to implement (e.g., in web-based platform studies), or is ignored altogether. Color command is admittedly difficult, as it requires technical equipment for colour assessment and presentation, as well as the expertise to use it. Still, careful color command is essential if systematic scientific work is to be conducted in this expanse. Findings from uncontrolled research can be informative in initial explorations of color hypotheses, but such work is inherently fraught with interpretational ambivalence (Whitfield and Wiltshire, 1990; Elliot and Maier, 2014) that must be after addressed.

Second, color perception is non only a function of lightness, chroma, and hue, simply also of factors such equally viewing distance and angle, amount and type of ambient light, and presence of other colors in the firsthand groundwork and general environmental surround (Hunt and Arrow, 2011; Brainard and Radonjić, 2014; Fairchild, 2015). In basic colour science research (due east.thou., on colour physics, color physiology, colour appearance modeling, etcetera; see Gegenfurtner and Ennis, in press; Johnson, in press; Stockman and Brainard, in press), these factors are carefully specified and controlled for in order to establish standardized participant viewing conditions. These factors have been largely ignored and immune to vary in research on colour and psychological functioning, with unknown consequences. An important next step for research in this area is to move to incorporate these more rigorous standardization procedures widely utilized by basic colour scientists. With regard to both this and the aforementioned weakness, it should be acknowledged that exact and complete control is not actually possible in color enquiry, given the multitude of factors that influence colour perception (Commission on Colorimetry of the Optical Society of America, 1953) and our electric current level of knowledge nearly and ability to control them (Fairchild, 2015). Equally such, the standard that must be embraced and used equally a guideline in this work is to control color backdrop and viewing conditions to the extent possible given electric current technology, and to continue upward with advances in the field that will increasingly afford more precise and efficient color management.

Third, although in some inquiry in this area, large, fully powered samples are used, much of the research remains underpowered. This is a problem in general, but it is particularly a problem when the initial demonstration of an upshot is underpowered (e.one thousand., Elliot and Niesta, 2008), because initial work is often used as a guide for determining sample size in subsequent work (both heuristically and via power analysis). Underpowered samples commonly produce overestimated effect size estimates (Ioannidis, 2008), and basing subsequent sample sizes on such estimates simply perpetuates the problem. Small sample sizes can too lead researchers to prematurely conclude that a hypothesis is disconfirmed, overlooking a potentially of import accelerate (Murayama et al., 2014). Findings from small-scale sampled studies should be considered preliminary; running large sampled studies with advisedly controlled color stimuli is essential if a robust scientific literature is to be adult. Furthermore, every bit the "evidentiary value movement" (Finkel et al., 2015) makes inroads in the empirical sciences, color scientists would do well to be at the leading edge of implementing such rigorous practices as publically archiving research materials and data, designating exploratory from confirmatory analyses, supplementing or fifty-fifty replacing significant testing with "new statistics" (Cumming, 2014), and fifty-fifty preregistering research protocols and analyses (see Finkel et al., 2015, for an overview).

Determination

In both reviewing advances in and identifying weaknesses of the literature on colour and psychological performance, information technology is important to carry in mind that the existing theoretical and empirical piece of work is at an early stage of evolution. Information technology is premature to offer any bold theoretical statements, definitive empirical pronouncements, or impassioned calls for awarding; rather, information technology is best to be patient and to humbly acknowledge that color psychology is a uniquely complex area of inquiry (Kuehni, 2012; Fairchild, 2013) that is only starting time to come into its own. Findings from colour research can be provocative and media friendly, and the public (and the field as well) tin be tempted to attain conclusions before the science is fully in place. There is considerable promise in enquiry on colour and psychological functioning, merely considerably more theoretical and empirical work needs to be done before the full extent of this promise can be discerned and, hopefully, fulfilled.

Conflict of Interest Statement

The author declares that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential disharmonize of interest.

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